Assisted fertilization: a comparative synthesis

Going into a comparative review of assisted fertilization means realizing how the same ethical-legal principles can translate into different cultural models. This does not affect the validity of these principles, but rather confirms their universality. The positions taken at an international, supranational or national level, relative to both the clinical and experimental aspects of reproductive technologies, reveal similarities and differences in some key points. They concern the interventions to be included in these technologies, the status, access, donation and conservation, as well as the production and possible uses of human genetic material. Even if, ultimately, what matters most is the political courage to intervene on this issue,

Introduction

Many countries have adopted legislation aimed at regulating assisted fertilization, while others, more reluctant to operate in this direction, have drawn up some recommendations or directives in this field. Despite the social, economic, cultural and political differences existing between the various countries, what emerges forcefully is the growing attention relating to human genetic material - and the affirmation of respect for it - as well as to the problems which, in a long-term perspective term, the use of such material implies for our concepts of human life, fertilization and the family. This concern directly affects the clinical and experimental aspects of assisted reproduction.

This essay focuses its attention on the official positions of the different countries. Initially we will briefly examine the topic of assisted fertilization from the point of view of international and supranational organizations in general, considering both governmental and non-governmental organizations positions. We will then go on to compare and contrast the national positions of various countries on the legal regulation of reproductive technologies with regards to the clinical aspects, specifically examining the problems related to terminological definitions, access to assisted reproduction techniques, donation, post mortem donation , the preservation of genetic material and anonymity. Later we will deal with the topics related to research,

International and supranational law

Given the rapidity with which progress and discoveries occur in the field of assisted fertilization, international positions necessarily take place within the framework of safeguarding human dignity. Human rights, which derive from his dignity, are inextricably linked to respect for the human body and its constituent parts, including cells and reproductive tissues. Although this is not directly related to assisted reproduction, respect for human genetic material is certainly evident in the preamble to the Universal Declaration on the Human Genome and Human Rights proposed by UNESCO (United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization). United for Education, Science and Culture), which declares that research on the human genome must respect human dignity and the rights of the individual. Accordingly, in relation to scientific research in the field of genetics the declaration states that "the benefits arising from advances in the fields of biology and genetics with respect to the human genome will be made available to all, with due consideration for human dignity and rights of each individual. [ ... ] Research will attempt to offer relief from suffering and to improve the health of individuals and of the entire human race" (art. 12 a, b in fine). It also states that "in no case shall research or its applications prevail over respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and human dignity" (art. 10). in relation to scientific research in the field of genetics the declaration establishes that "the benefits arising from advances in the fields of biology and genetics with respect to the human genome will be made available to all, with due consideration for the dignity and human rights of each individual [ ... ] Research will attempt to offer relief from suffering and to improve the health of individuals and of the entire human race" (art. 12 a, b in fine). It also states that "in no case shall research or its applications prevail over respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and human dignity" (art. 10). in relation to scientific research in the field of genetics the declaration establishes that "the benefits arising from advances in the fields of biology and genetics with respect to the human genome will be made available to all, with due consideration for the dignity and human rights of each individual [ ... ] Research will attempt to offer relief from suffering and to improve the health of individuals and of the entire human race" (art. 12 a, b in fine). It also states that "in no case shall research or its applications prevail over respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and human dignity" (art. 10). the benefits of advances in biology and genetics relating to the human genome will be made available to all, with due consideration for the dignity and human rights of each individual. [ ... ] Research will attempt to offer relief from suffering and to improve the health of individuals and of the entire human race" (art. 12 a, b in fine). Furthermore, it states that "in no case will research or its applications shall prevail over respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and human dignity" (art. 10). the benefits of advances in biology and genetics relating to the human genome will be made available to all, with due consideration for the dignity and human rights of each individual. [ ... ] Research will attempt to offer relief from suffering and to improve the health of individuals and of the entire human race" (art. 12 a, b in fine). Furthermore, it states that "in no case will research or its applications shall prevail over respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and human dignity" (art. 10).

In Canada, the 1993 report of the Royal commission on new reproductive technologies clearly described the biological process. The stages of development begin with the zygote, i.e. the fertilized egg up to about 14 days after fertilization; then follows the embryo, up to the eighth week after fertilization, which then evolves into a fetus from the ninth week until birth (p. 148). Similarly, in Canada, Bill C-47, which was to become the Human Reproductive and Genetic Technologies Act, 1996, similarly defined the three stages of development mentioned above. , but referred to each of them as a human organism (paragraph 2). Following the calling of new elections in 1997, the bill lapsed.

The other countries considered provided definitions only for the term "embryo". In Germany, the Embryo Protection Act (1990) defined the embryo as "the fertilized and viable human oocyte from the moment of karyogamy, and furthermore any totipotent cell which, under the necessary conditions, is capable of dividing and to develop to give rise to an individual" (paragraph 8.1). The word "vital" refers to "the 24 hours following karyogamy unless before the expiry of this period it is determined that it is unable to develop beyond the single cell phase" (paragraph 8.2). In Switzerland, both the bill relating to the federal legislation concerning assisted fertilization (1996), both the ethical-sanitary directives on assisted fertilization (1990) of the Swiss Academy have defined the embryo as the product of fertilization up to the end of organogenesis, with the indication, in the directives, that it intended to refer to the initial stages prior to plant (No. 1.5). Finally, in Great Britain it was enshrined in the Human Fertilization and Embryology Act, 1990, that an embryo is "a living human embryo in which the process of fertilization is completed". The law, applicable only to ex uterus embryos, also specifies that fertilization is not complete until the appearance of a bicellular zygote (paragraph 1.1). Lastly, in the United States, the Human embryo research panel, set up within the The NIH (National Institute of Health) in 1994 defined a pre-implantation human embryo as an in vitro fertilized oocyte that has never been transferred or implanted in the uterus. The study group supported the view that pre-implantation human embryos should be given appropriate moral consideration as a potential human life form, even though they cannot be granted the same moral status as infants and children. . The directives issued in 1994 by the Ethics Committee of the American Fertility Society, however, preferred the use of the term "preembryo" for the phase that ends 14 days after fertilization, stating that the preembryo has a unique condition as fertilization assisted operates on it by isolating it and making it available to the observation or intervention differently than for more advanced embryos and fetuses. The Committee expressed the view that the pre-embryo, although it has no individual status, should nevertheless be accorded a special status as "it is a genetically unique living human entity which could become an individual if implanted and received in a receptive uterus". " (p. 32S).

In short, there are clearly terminological problems, as the term "embryo" often refers to the zygote, while to some it might seem that the term "preembryo" detracts from the 'human' dignity of the developing entity from the moment of conception onwards. Nonetheless, this excursus of definitions demonstrates both the divergences inherent in national legislations and the terminological 'manipulation' for moral and political purposes and furthermore prepares the way for understanding the diversity of points of view on access to assisted reproduction techniques.

THE ROLE OF SCIENCE: Medical Sciences

 

THE ROLE OF SCIENCE

The traditional historical reconstructions of the development of the modern medical profession have considered the role of biomedical science within this process as essentially unproblematic. Medicine advanced as it became more scientific. In this way historians have passively accepted the affirmations of the protagonists of the 19th century; in Über die Standpunkte in der wissenschaftlichen Medicin (On Opinions in Scientific Medicine, 1847) Virchow argued: "The future belongs to science. It will increasingly control the destinies of nations. It already has them in its crucible and on its scales". Scientia est potentia , he liked to say, quoting Francis Bacon.

More recently, however, historians have challenged the idea that medicine became powerful simply because it was permeated by science. Some have argued that the improvement in life expectancy in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century it was due much more to social, economic and above all nutritional factors than to curative or preventive medicine. Others, while recognizing the ideological value of science for medicine, have underlined that overall it did not have much influence on effective therapeutic assistance to patients and, even less, on healing. It was also shown how, within the framework of the well-known divergence of nineteenth-century medicine between science and art, a certain eliteand highly successful physicians continued to see it rather as 'art', insisting on the uniqueness of each individual and their disease and emphasizing that the practice of medicine was based on an incommunicable knowledge that could only be acquired through experience.

These and other readings related to the question of 'science in medicine' at the end of the 19th century. suggest an even more complex debate. They should be integrated with an analysis of the various meanings that the term 'science' had for the doctors of the time. Among other things, it has been demonstrated that the doctors who provided care at the bedside of the sick had developed their own scientific procedures and methods, and that equating 'science' to laboratory practice alone would historically be reductive; this would mean, in fact, ignoring the important changes that took place in hospital practice, which the French strenuously promoted and which transformed Paris into one of the most advanced centers of medical disciplines during the first half of the century.post mortem aimed at highlighting the clinical-pathological correlations, this medicine was defined as 'scientific' by its exponents. One of the American physicians trained in the French school, Elisha Bartlett, provided a coherent exposition of Baconian philosophy as the foundation of medicine in An essay on the philosophy of medical science (1844). According to Bartlett, medicine could have become scientific only with the patient and systematic collection of data relating to the disease, its manifestations and its treatment, and then with the gradual transition towards inductive generalizations based on recorded observations.

In German-speaking countries there were also calls for a more scientific clinical practice, above all by the Naturhistorische Schule of Johann Lucas Schönlein and his disciples, including Nikolaus Friedrich, Carl Wunderlich and Virchow himself. It is sometimes forgotten that Virchow remained actively involved in the clinical field, and that academic clinical medicine developed in German universities alongside the more specialized and ultimately more influential medical sciences. The history of the cases ( Kasuistik) was the hallmark of the historical-naturalistic approach, thanks also to the increase in medical journals in which diagnoses and treatments of individual well-studied cases were reported and discussed. German clinicians combined microscopic examination and chemical analysis of body fluids and tissues, above all blood and urine, with direct diagnostic capabilities on the patient, and Wunderlich spread the use of the thermometer.

DISEASE PREVENTION

Around 1900, public health in Western countries was by then linked to scientific research in the medical and bacteriological fields, with its insistence on the specificity of diseases caused by 'germs' and with its ever more refined knowledge of the way in which each of they spread. The modern development of public health, however, had established itself much earlier during the 19th century, even if it was based on a different conception of the causes of epidemic diseases and had been determined more by the need to respond to the social consequences of industrialization and urbanization than from the simple imperative to apply medical knowledge. In Great Britain and the United States this is particularly evident, for the public health movement was joined in the first phase by a large number of professionals and other middle-class categories: lawyers, clergymen, teachers and wealthy landowners, as well as doctors. By the end of the century, however, most of these partnerships had ceased and public health care had become firmly concentrated in the hands of medical professionals.

The concept of 'hygiene', the set of advice on how the individual could preserve their health and avoid disease, has a long history and public health concern, especially in terms of epidemic control and prevention , dates back to Antiquity. From around the twenties of the century. However, some important factors determined by the changed social conditions began to emerge: the situation of the workers (including women and children) in the factories had changed; the rapidly expanding metropolises and towns presented environmental problems that were qualitatively different from those of the rural suburbs; class awareness and the gap between rich and poor gradually increased. Both secular and religious motivations induced the reformers, coming above all from the middle class, to seek and propose remedies to the many problems created by the new social, demographic and economic situations. The development of statistical studies at the beginning of the 19th century it put at the disposal of activists a set of powerful analytical tools to evaluate in an 'objective' way a wide range of social phenomena. The menace of cholera in Europe throughout the 1920s and then its dramatic impact in the 1930s showed that unfortunately the era of epidemics was not over. it put at the disposal of activists a set of powerful analytical tools to evaluate in an 'objective' way a wide range of social phenomena. The menace of cholera in Europe throughout the 1920s and then its dramatic impact in the 1930s showed that unfortunately the era of epidemics was not over. it put at the disposal of activists a set of powerful analytical tools to evaluate in an 'objective' way a wide range of social phenomena. The menace of cholera in Europe throughout the 1920s and then its dramatic impact in the 1930s showed that unfortunately the era of epidemics was not over.

In Britain the key figure in the early public health movement was Edwin Chadwick, a lawyer who, as Jeremy Bentham's last secretary, had inherited his commitment to reform society along utilitarian principles. According to Bentham, goodness and happiness coincide, so society should be organized in such a way as to ensure maximum happiness for as many people as possible. After Bentham's death in 1832 - a year of political turmoil in France, the first Reform Bill in Great Britain and the drama of the cholera epidemic throughout Europe - Chadwick became secretary of the Poor Law Commission, charged with reforming the system of public assistance, then still operating on the basis of the laws enacted in 1597 and 1601. The New Poor Law of 1834 established uniform guidelines for the whole country on how to provide assistance to the poor, based on the assumption that, by applying the principle of 'less preferability' (the subsidies foreseen by the Poor Law had to be less generous than the minimum obtainable with work), individuals would have felt encouraged to be personally enterprising and to take action to fend for themselves on their own. At the same time, Chadwick and his colleagues recognized that the state of need that put them in the position of having to take advantage of social assistance could be determined by illnesses and accidents, which is why every begging shelter had to be equipped with an infirmary, supervised by a Poor Law medical officer. assistance to the poor, based on the assumption that, by applying the principle of 'less preferability' (the subsidies provided for by the Poor Law had to be less generous than the minimum obtainable with work), individuals would feel encouraged to be personally enterprising and give themselves do to fend for themselves. At the same time, Chadwick and his colleagues recognized that the state of need that put them in the position of having to take advantage of social assistance could be determined by illnesses and accidents, which is why every begging shelter had to be equipped with an infirmary, supervised by a Poor Law medical officer. assistance to the poor, based on the assumption that, by applying the principle of 'less preferability' (the subsidies provided for by the Poor Law had to be less generous than the minimum obtainable with work), individuals would feel encouraged to be personally enterprising and give themselves do to fend for themselves. At the same time, Chadwick and his colleagues recognized that the state of need that put them in the position of having to take advantage of social assistance could be determined by illnesses and accidents, which is why every begging shelter had to be equipped with an infirmary, supervised by a Poor Law medical officer. (Poor Law subsidies had to be less generous than the minimum achievable by work), individuals would feel encouraged to be personally enterprising and to take steps to fend for themselves. At the same time, Chadwick and his colleagues recognized that the state of need that put them in the position of having to take advantage of social assistance could be determined by illnesses and accidents, which is why every begging shelter had to be equipped with an infirmary, supervised by a Poor Law medical officer. (Poor Law subsidies had to be less generous than the minimum achievable by work), individuals would feel encouraged to be personally enterprising and to take steps to fend for themselves. At the same time, Chadwick and his colleagues recognized that the state of need that put them in the position of having to take advantage of social assistance could be determined by illnesses and accidents, which is why every begging shelter had to be equipped with an infirmary, supervised by a Poor Law medical officer.

The nineteenth century: medical sciences. Medicine and society

 During the 19th century Western society underwent a radical transformation. At the time of the French Revolution, Europe was still largely rural. It took three days to get from London to Paris, and even longer if the roads were muddy and the sea rough. Farming was still the main occupation, and while the Industrial Revolution was firmly rooted in Britain its impact elsewhere in Europe or overseas was very modest. Annual mortality could still fluctuate wildly, and the last European-scale subsistence crisis occurred in 1817. National mortality rates, however, could be no more than mere estimates; it was just then and only in some countries, among other things, that a census of the population and the office of the civil registry for the registration of births and deaths had not yet been established. The population increase that would characterize modernity was underway, even as Thomas R. Malthus essay on the principle of population (1798) had challenged the old belief that a larger population constituted an indisputable social and political advantage for a country.

Despite the venerable history of many professional organizations, such as royal colleges and royal academies , the skill levels and behavior of practicing physicians, especially outside the major cities, and often sick people were forced to choose who to seek treatment from on the basis of informal referrals or local reputation. Medicine of the Ancien Régimeit has been described as dominated by the patient, especially since the boundaries between the knowledge of laymen and that of doctors were practically indistinct. In many places the logic of the local market dominated the practice of medicine, with doctors willingly talking about their 'business' and 'charlatans' competing for customers with the 'regulars'. Even in a country like France, where the activity of charlatans was regulated, the Revolution had had to deal, albeit briefly, with the maxim "everyone is his own doctor". In the great English country houses, doctors were let in through the entrance reserved for suppliers, and satire and caricaturists found abundant material in their pomp and self-confidence.

As society changed, so did its medical facilities and institutions. Industrialization transformed the human and environmental landscape, accelerating the growth of cities and creating new types of relationships between workers and their employers. Steamships began to appear in the first decade of the century, and the advent of the railways in the 1930s reduced journey times beyond belief; the telegraph appeared even more miraculous: the morning paper could carry yesterday's news from virtually anywhere in the world. The new printing methods greatly reduced the price of books and magazines and created a large new readership. Electric lighting and

In these and many other ways, science and technology merged over the course of the century and produced our modern world. The 19th century it is considered the century of the affirmation of the bourgeoisie, or of the professions, or of the masses, but there is no doubt that the physical and social world of Europe, and its colonies, was changing radically. These changes also had repercussions within the category of doctors who, like other respectable professional groups, achieved a more precise collective identity at the end of the century. The teaching imparted to them was very different from that received from previous generations, with respect to which they had also acquired new skills in the public sphere. Their most prestigious exponents, such as Virchow, Louis Pasteur, Robert Koch and Joseph Lister, they were personalities of international standing, created in part by the new means of mass communication and in part by the successes and promises of a medicine (and surgery) based on the application of science and technology. The medical profession continued to be generally overcrowded, leading to continued competition within it and wide income inequality. Nonetheless, their claims were more easily taken into consideration by public authority, and the place of medicine in the social fabric was more secure and clearly defined than it had been a century earlier. application of science and technology. The medical profession continued to be generally overcrowded, leading to continued competition within it and wide income inequality. Nonetheless, their claims were more easily taken into consideration by public authority, and the place of medicine in the social fabric was more secure and clearly defined than it had been a century earlier. application of science and technology. The medical profession continued to be generally overcrowded, leading to continued competition within it and wide income inequality. Nonetheless, their claims were more easily taken into consideration by public authority, and the place of medicine in the social fabric was more secure and clearly defined than it had been a century earlier.

MONOPOLY AND THE LIBERAL MEDICAL PROFESSION

Two elements above all characterize the medical professionals of the Modern Age: the knowledge reserved for initiates and the deontological codes of conduct. Knowledge gives them the right to autonomy and internal regulation, since the 'laymen' are not competent to judge them, lacking the necessary training. Selfless behavior ensures that society receives benefit from their business. Doctors have the patient's best interest at heart, and therefore deserve the trust of society; Sir William B. Osler observed that the medical profession was distinguished from all others by its singular beneficence. An alternative representation of the reconstruction of this historical scenario takes its cue from George B. Shaw's joke that " they go after the power and incomes of their members first. From both perspectives, a professional association tends to establish a monopoly on the practice of the profession, whether state-controlled or not, as a discerning clientele is inclined to recognize the higher claims of a suitably qualified professional. they go after the power and incomes of their members first. From both perspectives, a professional association tends to establish a monopoly on the practice of the profession, whether state-controlled or not, as a discerning clientele is inclined to recognize the higher claims of a suitably qualified professional.

The rigorous control over the exercise of the profession was in contrast with the principles of 19th century liberalism, which valued freedom and individualism much more than regulation and centralization. As summarized by Matthew Ramsey in The Politics of Medical Monopoly : "Simply put, where laissez-faire liberalism flourished, de jure monopoly was generally weak or non-existent; where prevailing liberalism was heavily committed to reform from the center monopoly was scarcely touched; where liberalism was absent, professional monopolies thrived best" (Ramsey 1984, pp. 225-305).

The situation of the medical profession in Europe and North America in the 19th century offers an illuminating example of Ramsey's generalization. Traditionally, the regulation of medical personnel and the control of training standards had been under the jurisdiction of an Academy or Collegium. In many German states still tied to the old traditions, the 'professions' of carers, including midwifery and pharmacy, were strictly regulated, like other professions. In Great Britain, where Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations (1776) provided the theoretical elaboration of laissez-faireeconomic, the guilds had lost much of their power and the freedom to exercise professions was the norm. The Royal College of Physicians and the Company of Surgeons (which became the Royal College of Surgeons after 1800) controlled the practice of medicine and surgery in London, and similar institutions performed the same function in Edinburgh, Glasgow and Dublin. Outside the major cities, the free market in medicine reigned, and even in areas controlled by the jurisdiction of professional organizations, reporting illegal practitioners and charlatans was costly and rarely triggered. A fragile licensing system for physicians gradually developed in the United States in the decades following the War of Independence, at the local or state level.

Napoleon exported both law and hostility to the guilds wherever French armies were stationed. In the annexed German regions of the Rhineland, the medical profession had long been protected by the state and many doctors were de facto civil servants. This arrangement, despite some economic advantages, had some drawbacks, such as the obligation to practice in the place established by the state authority and the Kurierzwang, i.e. the duty to help anyone in need. German liberal voices, such as those of Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859) and, from 1848, of Virchow, rose to challenge the restrictive constraints imposed by the old order, arguing that social reform and mass education would also ordinary people able to choose their doctors wisely, and that in any case the freedom to decide on treatment ( Kurierfreiheit ) was as fundamental for doctors as for patients. The Gewerbeordnung(Professional Regulations) of 1869 ‒ then extended to the whole Empire in 1871 ‒ finally opened the free market in medicine. It allowed for a rapid increase in all kinds of irregular practitioners, who often formed their own professional associations. In Berlin in 1879, there were thirty-four regular physicians for every full-time empiric; by 1903 the ratio had collapsed to just three to one.

Most observers interpreted the Gewerbeordnung as a blow against medieval protectionism, while at the same time recognizing that in matters of public health and medical care complete laissez-faire could be detrimental to the well-being of the population. In practice, the state continued to protect regular professionals by imposing certain limits on illegal workers, who were not allowed to treat venereal disease or cancer, give injections or use narcotics. Only with the advent of Nazism was the German liberal system abandoned, but not out of any particular regard for scientific medicine but because the protection of the health of the community was recognized as a priority over individual freedom.

Apart from France, which stands out for the continued protection afforded by the state to the medical profession (together with the regulation of many other professions), a general convergence can be identified between many European countries and the United States. Liberal ideals did not allow medical monopolies to be enshrined in law, even though officially the state entrusted regular doctors with the task of supervising public health initiatives, dealing with medically dangerous situations, treating military personnel , to treat venereal disease, and to staff health posts and government hospitals. In the middle decades of the century, medical associations were established in many localities: the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association (later to become the British Medical Association) in 1832; the American Medical Association in 1847; the Berliner medicinische Gesellschaft in 1860. Many of these associations pursued educational, professional and political aims, and helped to give a unified voice to the profession. The development of science and technology in the medical field changed thetraining process of doctors, diagnosis and therapy (especially surgical), subjected medicine to the ideologies of progress and separated the 'regular' practitioners from the followers of what is now called alternative medicine. In Britain, the emergence of anti-vivisection groups undoubtedly had the effect of bringing doctors together more closely. Health insurance policies established by governments gave preference to regular doctors, and so did public entities investing in the treatment and prevention of disease. Thus, although consumer choice prevailed in most localities, the medical profession had grown stronger and was more cohesive and powerful than it was at the turn of the century.

Food to survive, food to live: Space Food

 Experts working for the Human Health and Performance Directorate's Space Food Systems (an organization focused on improving crew health and performance and reducing space-related risks) are responsible for evaluating, manufacturing and packaging the space food for each mission. They then deal with the development of recipes and the design of containers and packaging suitable for long-term storage. Additionally, they are expected to meet the nutritional needs of each crew member while respecting limited storage space, limited preparation options, and the challenges of eating in microgravity conditions.

Space Food Systems has four laboratories: a test kitchen which includes a preparation area and sensory test booths, a food processing laboratory, a food packaging laboratory and an analytical laboratory. Food scientists, dieticians, packaging engineers, and food systems technicians conduct experiments, plan projects and investigations, write specifications for space food products, and coordinate with other teams. All work, research and experiments are aimed at the Space Shuttle, the International Space Station (ISS) and future exploration missions.

NASA, from the beginning of its missions, had to solve two main problems related to food safety: crumbs, which inside space vehicles could damage the instrumentation, as well as be inhaled and cause respiratory problems, and diseases deriving from bacteria and toxins. In this regard, for the production of the first space food products of the Mercury, Gemini and Apollo programs, the collaboration with the Pillsbury Company was very important. The crumb problem was quickly resolved by coating the food with material that prevented crumb formation, while quality control to prevent food poisoning required more complex studies which led to what is now known as Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point (HACCP).

HACCP provides for a process of control and risk analysis not only of the final product but also of the raw materials and of the entire production process. Over time, this method has become the safety standard for the food industry in the United States and subsequently abroad. Today HACCP is a worldwide industry standard that safeguards foods from a wide range of potential chemical, physical and biological hazards.

A similar vetting process also occurs for foods that are sent into space. They must respect the parameters and controls of the NASA Space Food Laboratory, as well as the needs of the astronauts, which therefore become problems to be solved:

•   The duration of the missions tends to be longer and longer and there is neither a refrigerator nor a freezer in space, so food must be kept at room temperature in conditions of high pressure and microgravity. Therefore it is necessary that the shelf life (storage time) of the products, placed at room temperature, is at least 18-24 months. There are two types of preservative processes: thermostabilization (a sterilization process at very high temperatures that stabilizes the food) and freeze-drying (a process during which the food is frozen and then deprived of the water which sublimates it). Astronauts' foods must be healthy and keep their nutritional properties as intact as possible, even after undergoing conservative processes.

•  It is not possible to cook on board spacecraft as open flames are not permitted. Thus, thermostabilized foods are heated and freeze-dried foods are rehydrated with hot water.

• The choice of product packaging is fundamental because not all wrappings are suitable, in addition to the fact that storage space is limited. The packaging must therefore be light and not bulky. Everything is vacuum-packed, a minimal amount of oxygen inside the package is enough to definitively compromise the contents and make them inedible. In addition to air, light must not enter either. The pressure is high and the material must be resistant, in fact the packages are a multilayer of aluminum and plastic material.

• Astronauts find themselves in microgravity conditions where there is a risk of volatility: any product must not produce crumbs, there must be no parts that can become detached. For this reason, everything that can make crumbs (bread, breadsticks, crackers and dry biscuits) is eliminated unless it is safe and taken in a single bite. The same goes for excessively liquid foods that must be taken with a straw and must have a consistency such as not to cause volatile drop.

• On board, taste and smell can be altered due to microgravity which determines an accumulation of liquid in the nose and mouth, generating a possible alteration in the perception of tastes. It is a subjective sensation but, to improve this aspect, spices, aromatic herbs and sauces are used a lot, accentuating the taste and aroma of the food produced.

The technologies developed for space food, as well as for military uses, have also been transferred to the traditional food sector. Looking ahead, it would be possible to transfer the experience of space food to the terrestrial sector also with regard to situations in which a refrigerator is not available, such as in the case of natural disasters, extreme activities, and excursions to particular environments. Costs are high but could be brought down through more meals being produced.

Food is not just 'fuel' for survival, but sharing and conviviality, roots, and culture. The bonus food produced by Argotec is sent to the ISS in pre-established quantities, after which the astronaut can choose to consume it occasionally instead of the space food provided by NASA and the Russian Space Agency or he can decide to share it with the astronauts of the other nations present at the edge of the ISS. It is precisely here that the borderline between "food to survive" and "food to live" is crossed.